Restoring trust in J&K
The Kashmir
issue has an internal and an external dimension. Sheikh Abdullah’s movement
against the Maharaja to get justice for the people of Kashmir
in the early 1930s gave rise to the internal dimension. In 1947 when Sheikh
took over as the Prime Minister of J&K (as the chief minister of J&K
was called in those days) this was addressed and the external dimension with Pakistan
started. The Sheikh’s incarceration in August 1953 revived the internal
dimension which was addressed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1974, after
the Simla Accord with Pakistan
in 1972, which was supposed to have taken care of the external dimension of the
conflict. After detailed discussions between the prime minister’s special envoy
G Parthasarathy and Sheikh Abdullah’s representative Mirza Afzal Beig the
Kashmir Accord was signed by them on November 22 1974. Following the Accord,
Sheikh Abdullah took over as chief minister of J&K in February 1975,
supported by the Congress. The vast majority of Kashmiris joyfully greeted
Sheikh Abdullah on his return as head of the state government, and thronged to
hear him in public meetings. The Sheikh ruled till his demise in September
1982, except for a brief period when the Congress withdrew support to his
government in early 1977, but came strongly back after elections in mid-1977.
This period of over 7 years was by and large peaceful, with the state Cabinet
meeting periodically in different districts to take the government to the
people.
Pakistani machinations to stoke trouble in the
Valley would just not work when the Sheikh was in charge of the state. The
whole Valley was in grief when Sheikh Abdullah passed away. In mid-1984, when
Farooq Abdullah, who had succeeded his father as chief minister, was dismissed
by the central government, and his unpopular brother-in-law G M Shah installed
in his place with Congress support and after engineering defections in the
ruling National Conference, Farooq became even more popular in the Valley.
After a couple of years, Farooq Abdullah was re-installed as the chief
minister, but by then had lost most of the sheen, having compromised with the
Congress and got into an alliance with them.
This was a time when the Afghan jihad was gaining
momentum, and the Pakistani dictator, the wily General Zia-ul-Haq was planning
the Kashmir jihad using the Jamaat-e-Islami
and the ISI. Pakistani academics and journalists have now come out with
accounts of Zia’s plans for Kashmir using
disgruntled youth from our part of the state. The alleged rigging in some of
the constituencies during the Assembly elections in 1987 followed by alleged
ill-treatment of some of the Muslim United Front candidates led to
disenchantment among the youth in the Valley, some of who crossed over to Pakistan for
arms training, thus walking into the arms of Zia. The rest is history.
An insurgency spearheaded by the
independence-loving Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front was, by Pakistani design,
gradually converted into a jihad to establish Islamic rule in Kashmir,
initially through the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen, the militant wing of the
Jamaat-e-Islami of our part of Kashmir , and
later by inducting hardcore jihadis of the Afghan jihad. Later Kashmir-specific
jihadi groups nurtured by Pakistan ,
like the Lashkar-e-Toiba and the Jaish-e-Mohammad were inducted into Kashmir leading to violence and mayhem on an
unprecedented scale. Kashmir the Happy
Valley , became Kashmir the Miserable Valley , with thousands of innocent
people getting killed along with terrorists and members of the security forces.
While the so-called jihad is controlled by
outside forces, the people in the state are tired of violence, and would love
to go back to their simple, happy lives. While economic development of this
backward state will certainly help the youth with employment and other benefits
for the people, Kashmir is basically a
political problem. There is lack of trust between Delhi
and Srinagar ,
and this has only grown over the last nearly 60 years. The alienated people in
the Valley believe they can never get justice from Delhi . Trust has to be slowly built, through
appropriate political moves. Genuine autonomy that would guarantee them a life
of dignity, preserving their unique culture, would go a long way in addressing
their grievances, though there will be hardcore separatists like Syed Ali Shah
Geelani of the Hurriyat (G), who would like nothing short of merger with
Pakistan.
Two Indian prime ministers have at different
times, broadly laid down the limits that India was willing to go in search
of an acceptable solution to this issue. In 1995, addressing the people of
Kashmir from far away Burkina Faso, Prime Minister Narasimha Rao said that sky
was the limit in regard to autonomy that could be worked out for the people of
J&K. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was essentially addressing Pakistan when
he said from the Valley that there cannot be a further division of the state on
communal lines, but that the boundaries between the two Kashmirs can be made
irrelevant.
The time has come for the government to make a
major political move to tackle the internal dimension of the Kashmir
issue. The three interlocutors nominated by the Centre have given their report
after meeting a wide cross-section of the people of all the three regions of
the state. The separatists stayed away, though some individuals among them did
meet the interlocutors. While efforts can be made to get them to participate in
future discussions, there are the Geelanis among them who are irreconcilable.
They should not be allowed to block this process. There is no single leader
this time, like Sheikh Abdullah, with whom the Centre can initiate a dialogue.
The Centre will therefore have to talk to leaders
of all the mainstream parties and separatists who are willing to participate in
talks and others from the three regions, and work out a political deal. The
earlier Indira-Sheikh Accord recognised that the Centre-State relations would
be governed by Article 370 of the Constitution. This can be the basis for
further discussions.
Radhavinod
Raju is a former director general of the National Investigation Agency.
E-mail: radhavinodraju@gmail.com
New Indian Express
14th October 2011